By Andrew Barss
Anaphora: A Reference Guide is a suite of essays that document at the significant result of contemporary study in anaphora and set the degree for extra inquiry.
- Reports at the significant result of fresh examine in anaphora and units the level for extra inquiry.
- Features contributions from one of the world's top researchers on anaphora.
- Presents a thrilling photo of ways large the phenomenon of anaphora is and the way it could actually display many mysterious houses of language.
- Includes articles of curiosity to many disciplines, together with philosophy of language, philosophy of brain, cognitive technological know-how, linguistics, language stories, cognitive psychology, and psycholinguistics.
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Additional resources for Anaphora: A Reference Guide
1 A-properties (4a) and (4b) are the representative A-properties that are discussed in the literature regarding the OS-type construction in Japanese: (Alleged) A-properties of the OS-type construction: (4) a. Availability of anaphor-binding b. Absence of weak crossover (WCO) effects The reported observations relevant to (4a) presuppose that the word otagai “each other/respective” in Japanese has the feature [+anaphor] in the binding theoretic sense. 4 He demonstrates that (i) if we took otagai to be unambiguously [+anaphor, −pronominal], we would completely fail to capture the wide range of empirical paradigms discussed in Hoji (1998b), and (ii) if we took otagai to be ambiguous between [+anaphor, −pronominal] and [−anaphor, +pronominal], on the other hand, the validity of such a claim is not demonstrable.
The second constraint, derived from Fiengo and May’s work on ellipsis resolution, requires that anaphoric dependencies be formed only after their participant chains have been fully licensed by the morphosyntactic processes of the grammar. Fuller development of this system, and particularly exploration of the generality of the second constraint beyond anaphoric dependencies, awaits further research. Acknowledgments I am grateful to students and colleagues at the University of Arizona for feedback on the material presented here, parts of which have been presented in seminars and a colloquium in 1997 and 1999.
Going back to the example above, (52) does not in fact represent the earliest derivational stage at which him and John have both been Merged TIMING PUZZLES IN ANAPHORA AND INTERPRETATION 21 into the same phrase marker. Consider an even earlier point in the derivation, before overt raising of the pronoun: (54) John expected Ø to seem to me [him to be intelligent] (54) is of course isomorphic to (53), and the same problem arises as for LF-reconstruction theory. Somehow, dependency formation must be delayed until after the pronoun raises.